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ON THE 


CHARACTER Ai\ll FIIBCIC SERVICES 


op 

JAMES MONROE, 


LATE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES 


DELIVERED IN CINCINNATI, 

AUGUST 27, 1831, 

IN COMPLIANCE WITH AN INVITATION FROM THE CITIZENS. 


BY THE HON. JOHN M‘LEAN. 


PUBLISHED 

BY ORDER OF TI1E CITY COUNCIL, 

From a Copy submitted by 

THE COMMITTEE OF ARRANGEMENTS 


LOOKER AND REYNOLDS, PRINTERS 

1831 





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EULOGY ON JAMES MONROE. 


There can be no spectacle more imposing, or better calcu¬ 
lated to produce a deep moral effect, than the sorrows of a 
whole nation, at the loss of a distinguished citizen. In this 
scene, all the best feelings of the heart are engaged. The 
demonstrations of respect witnessed, in all the official branches 
of the government, in the military service, by sea and land, 
and in the voluntary assemblages of the people, cannot fail to 
make an impression, as lasting as our existence. 

We see, it is true, but little of the pomp and pageantry 
which are displayed, on such occasions, in regal governments, 
where the chief object, would seem to be, to strike with ad¬ 
miration and awe, the assembled multitudes. But, ours is the 
voluntary homage of a free people, paid to virtue and eminent 
public services. An homage, not excited by the glare of mili¬ 
tary glory, but by the civil virtues of one of the fathers of his 
country. The occasion calls for no demonstrations, in actions 
or words, which are not in strict accordance with our grief; 
and which do not, by opening the avenues of the heart, lessen 
the weight which oppresses it. 

It would seem, as if this visitation of Providence, which we 
deplore, but to which we bow, in humble submission, was 
designed to make a deep impression upon the nation. It 
was not enough, that Adams and Jefferson, should be called 
from earth, on the day which gave birth to our independence. 



4 


Who did not feel, when intelligence was received of the 
death of one of those distinguished individuals, on the 4th of 
July, 1820, that it was a most extraordinary occurrence! And 
when the account of the death of the other, on the same (lay, 
reached us, what language could describe our emotions! We 
were overwhelmed with sorrow, at the loss of these fathers of 
the republic; and yet there was a joy springing up in the soul, 
at the wonderful coincidence. It was viewed as evidence, that 
Providence, who in the infancy of our republic, had influenced 
our councils, and led our armies to victory, was still propitious. 
That he designed, by that stroke, to increase our attachment 
to rational liberty, in signalizing still more, its birth day. 

But, on this birth day of the nation, Monroe is also called 
from earth. Hath not the Almighty again spoken, and does 
not silence become the creatures he has made! Miracles may 
have ceased, but can this language be mistaken. We may 
not be able to fathom the design, but we know from whence 
the voice came. 

It may be, that to prepare us for an impending storm, these 
coincidences are necessary. We should lay them up in our 
hearts, and profit by them in our lives. 

To ascribe to a special Providence, coincidences so striking. 
Will scarcely excite the sneer of scepticism, however gross may 
be its ignorance and presumption. 

What a sublime moral effect, must result, from this national 
exhibition of sorrow. How much will it strengthen the cause 
of virtue and patriotism. The individual who can survey the 
whole scene with indifference, who is neither affected by the 
stroke we lament, nor the public loss we have sustained, may 
not profit by the occasion. But there is no such individual, 
who claims the proud appellation of American citizen. 

On the dissolution of the most distinguished men of anti¬ 
quity, their statues were placed among the Gods, by their 
countrymen, and divine honors were decreed to them. To 


5 


these honors many aspired; ami some, like Alexander, being 
unwilling to wait the span of mortality, sought them while 
living. 

Christianity had not then shone upon the earth, in its efful 
gence. The moral world was enveloped in clouds and dark¬ 
ness. But now, the light is come, and our vision penetrates 
the veil of futurity. 

We know that man has his origin in the dust, and that after 
acting his part, his body must mingle with its kindred earth, 
and his spirit return to God who gave it. When we feel the 
stroke then, we do not sorrow as those who have no hope. 
Instead of worshipping our departed national benefactors, we 
cherish their memories, and endeavor to inculcate their virtues. 
In this way, though dead, they continue to live. 

What legacy can a distinguished man leave to his country, 
of equal value to the fruits of a life devoted to the public ser¬ 
vice, throughout a series of great emergencies. By such 
examples, the lessons of patriotism are taught and enforced. 
His privations and sufferings, his unwearied efforts, his patient 
devotion in the public service, his elevated principles, and his 
enduring fame, mark the way and influence the course, of lau¬ 
dable ambition. 

No citizen can be found, who does not esteem, above all 
price, the legacy which Washington left us. If it were 
blotted from the annals of our country, who would not feel and 
deeply deplore the loss. We look upon his moral virtues, 
bis elevated patriotism, and his unequalled public services, and 
each individual feels enriched by such an inheritance. His 
name sheds a lustre over our beloved country, and we are 
proud that we were born in the land, which gave him birth. 
No individual, of any age or nation, has performed services of 
equal importance, to those of the Father of his Country. In 
coming to this conclusion, a broad view is taken of the conse¬ 
quences which must flow from those services. 


6 


In military triumphs, and in all the pomp and circumstance 
of war, lie has been greatly excelled. But he did not direct 
the weapons of destruction, to sustain an unjust cause: or 
gratify an unholy ambition. He fought the battles of liberty, 
and the whole human race was deeply interested in his triumph. 

But, Washington, though most conspicuous, did not stand 
alone; Adams, and Jefferson, and Madison, and Monroe, 
were with him: and many others, whose names are inscribed, 
in living letters, upon the folds of our escutcheon. If they 
did not all brave the dangers of the field with him, they in 
council, by their moral firmness and high intelligence, directed 
the springs of action. They defied the wrath of a powerful 
and incensed enemy, in a different, though scarcely less 
dangerous form. 

Character, in a great degree, is formed by circumstances. 
When the throes and convulsions of society, move the founda¬ 
tion on which it rests, and the boundaries of social order seem 
to be broken up, master spirits will arise, to control the storm 
and lead men to their destinies. If such times do not create 
capacity, they call it into action, and rouse all its latent ener¬ 
gies. On such occasions, men often become really great, who 
under ordinary circumstances, would have risen but little, 
above the common mass. 

The great men of Rome, are found in the midst of her 
greatest excitations. And so in France, in the days of her 
Revolution. Csesar and Bonaparte might have lived and died, 
far less known to fame, had they lived in a period when the 
passions of men were undisturbed. 'There must be some 
powerful impulse, to produce the highest intellectual efforts. 
This impulse may operate on a community or nation, or it may 
be limited to an individual. Such was the case of Byron, who 
by a scries of adverse circumstances, produced by his own con 
duct, was driven almost (o madness; and under Ids bad destiny. 
Ins mind shot forth its strength wildly, but powerfully. 


7 


Had our lievolution never occurred, many of the names now 
so dear to all, might have been unknown to history. Hut, our 
Washingtons, Adamses, Jeffersons, Madisons, and Monroes, 
would have been distinguished, more or less, in any age or 
country. They were great men by nature, and they were for¬ 
tunate, in being placed under circumstances, the most favora¬ 
ble for the development of their highest intellectual energies. 
No period has ever existed, better calculated to awaken the 
latent powers of the human mind, and fully develop charac¬ 
ter, than the American revolution. In every point of view, 
the struggle was most unequal. On the one side, was a pow¬ 
erful nation, inured to war, with unlimited resources in men 
and money: On the other, was an infant people, widely 
scattered, over a great extent of country; inexperienced in war, 
without a standing force, or the means of raising, sustaining or 
arming one. Under such circumstances, great moral energies 
were requisite, and the most dauntless spirit, to meet the storms 
of war. But our fathers, breasted its force, and defied its 
fury. They relied on the justice of their cause, and in the 
protection of Providence. This iwas no assumed reliance, 
or hypocritical profession. It proceeded from the depths of 
the heart, and pervaded every breast. 

Such a contest was well calculated to develop, to the 
utmost, the physical and mental powers of man. For strong 
arms were as necessary as wise heads. Whilst the tug of 
war was met, shoulder to shoulder, the creative energies of 
mind were essential to produce the sinews of war. 

This is the school in which the great men of our lievolution 
were formed. They were familiar witli danger, and all the 
vicissitudes of war. But such a war was never before waged. 
It was the most sublime scene that had ever been euactcd, 
by man, oil the human theatre. 

A nation had often been seen, struggling against a foreign 
enemy or domestic oppressor. But, it was, for the most part, 


8 


a struggle between slaves, for the benefit of their masters. 
Never, before the American revolution, was a whole people, 
inspired by the spirit of liberty, seen to burst the shackles of 
slavery, and proclaim their Independence. Not an indepen¬ 
dence alone, from foreign domination, but from all tyrannical 
exercise of power. An independence, based upon the immu¬ 
table rights of man. How insignificant are the causes of 
wars, which have desolated the plains of Europe, in compari¬ 
son with this; and how limited, their beneficial consequences! 

In this important struggle, the battles of liberty were 
fought. Not the liberty of this nation, nor of this continent, 
but the liberty of the human race. The thrones of despotism 
were made to topple, and those who sat thereon grew pale. 
They saw, that the grand problem, whether man was capable 
of self-government, was about to be solved; and they well 
understood the effect of a favorable solution. 

In this mighty conflict, the venerable patriot, whose loss 
we deplore, was not an unimportant actor. He carried to his 
grave honorable testimonials of his noble daring. On the 
plains of Trenton, he was severely wounded, while fighting 
by the side of Washington. 

If, as was classically remarked by a distinguished man, 
our revolutionary patriots, like the books of the Sybil, be¬ 
come more valuable, as their numbers diminish, how deeply 
should we feel the loss of James Monroe. He has, it is true, 
contributed largely to fill many of the richest pages in our 
history; but this has only tended to encrcase our attachments 
to him. We must be thankful to a kind Providence, who 
spared him to his country so long, and enabled him to render 
unto it, and to mankind, such important services. 

The revolutionary stock will soon be exhausted. If those 
of them who are now living, were collected together, the num¬ 
ber would be small; and these are falling, on the right hand 
and on the left. But one survives, of those who signed the 


9 


Declaration ot Independence. The march of time mast soon 
gather those that remain to the tomb of their fathers. Their 
compatriots, who are no more, have left us a rich inheritance. 
An inheritance, endeared to us, as well by the sacrifices 
through whicli it was procured, as by its inestimable value. 
Ripe in years and full of honors, they have fallen; but their 
impress is reflected by the institutions of their country; and 
although their sun has passed from our vision, so strong were 
the rays of its glory, and so brilliant was its course, that the 
light and heat remain. We are still warmed by its in¬ 
fluence, and guided by its light. 

James Monroe was a native of Virginia, being born ii 
Westmoreland county, in September, 1758. He, like Jef¬ 
ferson, was educated at the College of William and Mary. 

In the Northern Neck of Virginia, which includes the 
county of Westmoreland, the society, at the birth of Mr. 
Monroe, was considered in Virginia, as occupy ing the first 
rank. The same county was also the birth-place of Wash¬ 
ington and Madison, and of the Lees, and many others who 
figured iu the revolution. At this time, there existed in Vir¬ 
ginia, a more marked distinction in the grades of society, than 
was to be found in any of the other colonies. Great landed 
estates and slave labor, with the notions which were imbibed 
from the mother country, contributed to produce this result. 
But, although there was much of aristocracy, which our more 
republican habits would now condemn, the elegant hospital¬ 
ities which were practised, combined with an assemblage of 
talent of the first order, and of the highest cultivation, made 
the society of the Northern Neck equal, perhaps, to any that 
could be met with in the mother country. Their stately 
palaces yet remain, with their vast appendages, and show, on 
how large and splendid a scale, their former occupants lived. 

It might be difficult, to convince those w ho were acquainted 
with the republican habits of Mr. Monroe, that lie w T as ever 

R 


10 


connected with such a society. He seemed to have had the 
stamp of republicanism from nature. No man was more un¬ 
obtrusive in his deportment, or cherished a more sincere de¬ 
ference for those with whom he came in contact. His genuine 
modesty was discoverable on all occasions, and especially, 
when complimentary language was addressed to him. The 
unaffected embarrassment which this would never fail to pro¬ 
duce, presented his character in a most amiable light. He 
possessed, in an eminent degree, the mien of a Virginia gen¬ 
tleman of his day. Dignity and simplicity were so combined, 
that it was difficult to determine, which most to admire; and 
yet, there was an awkwardness in his manner, which seemed 
to derive its impulse from the heart, and which, united with 
a peculiar frankness of expression, and benignity of counte¬ 
nance, produced an irresistible effect. 

No man ever approached James Monroe, free from preju¬ 
dice, who doubted the goodness of his heart, or the genuineness 
of his patriotism. His conversation was unambitious, though 
highly instructive. He seemed to be desirous of learning 
from others, instead of obtruding his own opinions. But, 
without effort, and almost unconsciously, he would often, in 
conversation, open the rich stores of practical wisdom he 
possessed. 

Mr. Monroe’s mind was distinguished more, for patient 
thought and profound investigation, than brilliancy of concep¬ 
tion, or fluency of expression. It was slow in its progress, 
but untiring in its operations, and certain in its results. No 
subject was too intricate for its searching powers, no system 
too large, for its comprehension. All experience proves, that 
such a mind is best qualified to act a first part in the great 
drama of life. If we were about to select a poet or a de- 
claimer, we would point to a man of great nervous sensibility, 
whose passions are strong, and whose enthusiasm is un¬ 
bounded. But, who would select a mind thus constituted, to 


11 


govern a nation. Such qualities are fitted, only, to act a sub¬ 
ordinate part, on a limited theatre. The mind which is 
governed by impulses, and does not act from the deliberate 
results of its own judgment, can never control, on a great 
scale, the springs of human action. This is the work of the 
highest order of talent 

The whole course of Mr, Monroe, in the public service, 
was characterised by uncommon sagacity, and devoted patriot¬ 
ism. Whether in the discharge of the duties of a foreign 
Minister, as Secretary of State, or in the War Department; 
in the Chief Executive office of his own State, or of the 
Union; he evinced great capacity and fitness. To have sus¬ 
tained himself well, in each of these stations, would show no 
common merit; but to have acquired reputation in each, and 
to have adorned in each, the character of his country, is the 
highest praise. 

That this was done by Mr. Monroe, is shown by the his¬ 
tory of his country. If the great acts of the government, 
while he was connected with it, do not exhibit him in bold 
relief, as the principal actor, it is found, by investigation, that 
he was among the master spirits of the day, and contributed 
his full share to the glorious results we have witnessed. He 
did not command the army of the Confederation; nor write 
the Declaration of Independence; nor take a conspicuous 
stand in the Congress of the revolution. These places were 
filled by persons, designed by heaven to fill them; but, he 
served in as many important stations, as any other citizen, 
after the war; and his services will not be lessened, by any 
just comparison, that can be instituted. He negociated, in 
conjunction with Mr. Livingston, the purchase of Louisiana; 
and did much, in the course of his administration, to allay the 
spirit of party. For this latter service, he is entitled to the 
thanks of every patriot; and yet on this ground was he as 
sailed. His assailants were those, who flourish most, in the 


feculence of party violence, where personal merit and enlight¬ 
ened patriotism, are alike disregarded. 

So peaceful and prosperous was the administration of Mr. 
Monroe, and so rapidly did it advance our general prosperity, 
that it may be designated the Augustan years of the Republic. 
Whatever we may hope for in time to come, we can never 
expect to realize a period of greater national happiness. 

To exhibit the minuter incidents of Mr. Monroe’s life, will 
be the duty of iris biographer; but I should fall short of mine, 
if I were not to refer to some of the leading events of his life, 
as connected with the public service. 

Though young at the commencement of the revolution* 
Monroe caught the spirit that pervaded the ancient dominion. 
In the assemblies of the people he was active, for his years; 
and also, in all the means used to excite the indignation of an 
oppressed country. He was found in the ranks of the army, 
fighting the battles of his country, before he arrived at the 
years of manhood. He was first appointed Lieutenant; and in 
this capacity fought at the battles of Haerlem Heights, of 
the White Plains, and in the famous retreat of Washington, 
through the Jerseys. In the battle of Trenton, where he was 
dangerously wounded, he conducted with great gallantry. 

In the campaigns of ’77 and ’78, he acted as aid to Lord 
Sterling, and was at the battles of Brandywine, Germantown 
and Monmouth. His conduct in these engagements was such 
as to present him in the most favorable light to the whole 
army; and to the special notice and confidence of the Com¬ 
mander-in Chief. He was advanced in ’79 to the rank of 
Colonel, and was ordered to recruit his regiment in Virginia. 
As the resources of that State had been greatly exhausted by 
the war, this levy was found impracticable. While he was 
engaged in endeavoring to recruit troops, and in advancing the 
public service, in every Way within his power, he resumed 
the study of law, under Mr. Jefferson. At this early day, a 


friendship Was formed between these distinguished individuals, 
which continued during their lives. 

Mr. Monroe prosecuted the study of law until his admis¬ 
sion to the bar. He then commenced the practice of his pro¬ 
fession at Charlotteville, in Albemarle county, and in several 
of the adjoining counties. Though he was not eloquent, yet, 
the knowledge of his profession which he displayed,—his high 
integrity, popular manners, and strict attention to his duties, 
soon acquired him numerous clients, and the prospect of a 
profitable business. 

Had he steadily pursued this course, he would have se¬ 
cured to himself a fortune, and avoided those embarrassments, 
Which gave him so much anxiety in the evening of life.— 
But, although such a course would have contributed to his 
own peace and quietude, and the independence of his chil¬ 
dren,—had he pursued it, he would have been almost lost to 
fame; and the loss to the country would have been in propor¬ 
tion to the great services he lias rendered it. We cannot, 
therefore, but congratulate ourselves and our country, that the 
active powers of this distinguished man were not confined to 
the practice of a profession of limited usefulness. 

I may be pardoned here, for introducing an anecdote, 
which occurred within my own knowledge, and which iljusr 
trates the beauty and value of our institutions. 

During the second term of Mr. Monroe’s presidency, an 
aged Virginia gentleman called to pay his respects to the 
President, at Washington. He was the person who had 
first employed Mr. Monroe, in his profession. The Presi¬ 
dent received him with the greatest cordiality, and entered, 
with much interest, into the minutia of the suit referred to. 
It seems to have made a strong impression on his mind, for he 
spoke of the details, with as much accuracy, as if the whole 
had been a recent occurrence. How delightful, for an indi- 


14 

vidual wlio occupies the highest seat of earthly honors, to 
advert to the early incidents of his active life! 

Mr. Monroe was elected to the Legislature of Virginia, 
from the county of Albemarle, the same county which was 
represented by Mr. Jefferson; and he was an active and useful 
member of that body. At the age of twenty-four, he was 
elected, by the Legislature, a member of the old Congress. 
His usefulness in Congress is shown, by the important mea¬ 
sures he brought forward or advocated, and the committees, 
on which he acted, during a service of three years. He was 
a member of the Virginia Convention, in which the Federal 
Constitution was discussed and adopted. In that distin¬ 
guished body, he took a leading part, and his speeches show 
the enlarged views he presented of the condition of the coun¬ 
try, and its future prospects. Like Henry, he was appre¬ 
hensive that the powers proposed to be vested in the Federal 
Government, would be dangerous to the sovereignty of the 
States, and was opposed to the Constitution in the form pre¬ 
sented ; but after its adoption he faithfully sustained it in all 
the official stations he subsequently filled. 

That apprehensions should be entertained, by the republi¬ 
cans of that day, of a Federal Government, whose powers were 
in some respects, not dissimilar to the executive powers of the 
British Government, by whom they had been oppressed, was 
not extraordinary. They had just past through a dreadful, 
but glorious conflict, and had established their Independence; 
and they would naturally feel no small degree of jealousy, in 
the investment of executive powers, in a Government acting 
lieyond the control of the State. The proposed Government 
was unlike any that had ever existed; and its effects were 
not clearly seen. But, the necessity of a superintending 
power over the general interests of the States was so apparent, 
that it was admitted by all. The Articles of the Confedera¬ 
tion had been found totally inadequate to this object. It was 


15 


seen, that the voluntary acquiesence of States, in federal 
measures, was not to be expected in time of peace, when their 
interests, supposed or real, would not be advanced. In the 
regulation of foreign commerce, each State was influenced by 
its local interests; and they were often in conflict witli the 
local interests of neighboring States. It was soon discovered, 
therefore, that conflicts of the most serious nature would arise 
between the different States, on this subject; and that all the 
fruits of the Revolution must perish, without a more efficient 
Federal Government. 

This was indeed a most eventful period to the republic; but 
sound sense and practical wisdom, which directed it through 
the storms of the Revolution, prevailed, and the Constitution 
was adopted. 

It is believed, that the discussion in this Convention, and 
the part which was taken in it by some of the leading and 
most popular members, had no small influence in producing 
that jealousy of Federal powers, which still exists in Virginia. 
The mode in which those powers were assumed and exer¬ 
cised, at an early period of the federal administration, had a 
strong tendency to fix this feeling. This remark is not made 
in derogation of that renowned commonwealth. A jealousy 
of power is consistent with the most elevated views of liberty. 

The Federal Constitution is considered by some, as a mere 
compact between the States, similar to the Articles of Con¬ 
federation, though investing the Government with more exten¬ 
sive powers. By others it is considered, as having emanated 
from the people of the Union in their sovereign capacity. The 
construction of this instrument, as to the powers conferred, 
has been more or less influenced, by the view taken of its 
origin. As botli parties have erred in this view, it follows, 
that so far as it lias influenced the construction of the instru¬ 
ment, the conclusions arc erroneous. 


10 


On this occasion, it would be improper to indulge in a dis¬ 
cussion of this important subject; but, as the construction of 
this instrument had an important bearing on Mr. Monroe’s 
administration, and constituted the only objection to it by 
some, I may be permitted to remark, that the Federal Con¬ 
stitution proceeded from the people of the respective States. 
It emanated from a combined power: from the people of 
each State in Convention as an integral part of the Union. It 
was not a State Convention for the adoption of a Constitution 
for the State, which the people of the State might revoke or 
alter at pleasure; but a Convention, assembled within the 
State, and composed of its citizens, to adopt a Constitution 
for the Union. If it had been desigued as a mere compact 
between the States , it would have been formed by the States, 
through the constituted organs of their sovereign will. But, 
there was a resort to first principles, by an appeal to the Peo¬ 
ple, and they were designated in the Constitution as, “We, 
the people of the United States.” As a Convention of the 
State, they had a right to modify the Constitution of the 
State, and limit the powers under it:—as acting for the Union, 
they had power to bind, and did bind, the other States, by 
the adoption of the Federal Constitution. 

Under Gen. Washington’s administration, Mr. Monroe was 
elected to the Senate of the United States. xVlthougli he re¬ 
mained only a short time in that body, he took an active part in 
its discussions, and in all the leading measures adopted. Such 
was his personal worth and high qualifications, in the estima 
tion of Washington, that he was appointed Minister to France, 
at this critical and important period. This appointment was 
not only unsolicited by Mr. Monroe, but he did not know that 
it was contemplated, until the day before the nomination was 
sent to the Senate. As soon as his arrangements could be 
made, for so unexpected a departure from the United States, 
he sailed for France, and reached Paris without delay. 


17 


His arrival at this great metropolis was at a most import¬ 
ant juncture. The'Frencli Revolution was in its full tide, 
and the spirit of the whole nation seemed to be republican. 
This feeling, so congenial with his own, soon recommended 
Mr. Monroe to the confidence of the National Directory, and 
to all the public functionaries at Paris. Coming as the official 
organ of a Government which had been recently established on 
the representative principle, by a people who had covered 
themselves with imperishable glory, he was peculiarly recom¬ 
mended to the confidence of the French nation, struggling for 
liberty. 

In a short time Mr. Monroe acquired an astonishing popu¬ 
larity with the republicans of France. He was consulted by 
them in their movements, and no doubt is entertained, that his 
advice had a most important influence on many of their public 
measures. Being a great favorite in the country, and with 
the Government, he was found to be a most successful repre¬ 
sentative of the interests of his own country. His efforts were, 
instrumental in removing any feelings of dissatisfaction which 
remained, at the refusal of his country to make common cause 
with France. This was insisted on by the French authori¬ 
ties as reasonable, from the nature of their struggle, the friendly 
relations which existed between the two Governments, and a 
treaty stipulation, on which the aid of that nation had been 
given to this, in its recent struggle with England. 

Mr. Monroe remained at Paris about three years, with in¬ 
creased reputation. It is believed, that we never had a repre¬ 
sentative to that court, who was equally popular with the great 
mass of the French people. But, it seems not to fall to the 
lot of man, however pure his character may be, or however 
great his public services, to escape the envy and malice of co¬ 
temporaries. Influential individuals in this country, who were 
hostile to Mr. Monroe, combined their efforts to procure his 
reeal. Whether this hostility was excited from a fear of his 


18 


growing popularity, or from other grounds equally selfish, it 
may be difficult to determine; but they were successful, and 
he was recalled. 

It is believed that Gen. Washington was influenced to this 
step by the representations made to him, that Mr. Monroe 
entered with so much ardor into the cause of llepublican 
France, that it might, in some way, implicate bis own Gov¬ 
ernment. Whatever the principal cause may have been, 
whether made public or not, it is certain that Washington 
retained for Mr. Monroe, ever afterwards, the sincerest friend¬ 
ship, and felt the highest confidence in his integrity. 

The National Directory was greatly excited at the recal of 
Mr. Monroe; and it is believed, that his special interposition 
was necessary to prevent such an expression on the subject, 
as might have been displeasing to his own Government. He 
had a most distinguished audience of leave, at which all the 
principal officers of the Government were present. 

On his return to this country, Mr. Monroe again resumed 
his profession; but he was soon afterwards elected to the Le¬ 
gislature, and then to the office of Governor of the State. In 
this office he served with distinguished reputation. 

Having early taken his stand, on the democratic side of 
the question, in the controversy which arose about the close 
of Gen. Washington’s administration; he was still more 
strongly identified with the same side, in the violent contest 
which took place in the presidency of Mr. Adams. 

He was appointed Minister to Spain, in conjunction with 
Mr. Pinkney, by Mr. Jefferson, in the year 1803, with a view, 
it is believed, of negotiating for the Floridas. On the same 
day he was appointed Minister to France, in conjunction with 
Mr. Livingston. The purchase of Louisiana had not, at that 
time, been thought of; and it is believed, that hints thrown 
out by Mr. Monroe, may have had some influence in inducing 
the President to change the object of his purchase. Louisiana 


— »•*»j3 oecn transferred to France, Mr. Monroe was author¬ 
ized to proceed to Paris, to enter upon the negociation jointly 
with Mr. Livingston, for its purchase. 

On his arrival at Paris, he found many of his old friends, 
who received him with the utmost cordiality. But the Gov¬ 
ernment of that country had changed its character, and by this 
change were his hopes of republicanism in that quarter, 
blasted. He arrived at Paris at a most fortunate period for 
the success of his mission. The first Consul being engaged 
in fitting out an important military expedition, was greatly in 
want of funds; and to this circumstance and the judicious con¬ 
duct of our Ministers, may the acquisition of Louisiana be 
attributed. It was purchased at a price bearing a very small 
proportion to its value. By this purchase we acquired a tract 
of country, larger than the continent of Europe, and which 
with the grandest rivers on the globe, possessed all varieties 
of soil, climate and production. 

To the Western Country, this territory is indeed invaluable. 
It commanded the outlets of our commerce, and in the hands 
of a foreign and hostile power, would have been destructive 
of our prosperity. 

The command of the Mississippi was indispensable to the 
harmony of the Union. 

This act greatly distinguished the administration of Mr. 
Jefferson. To have been the principal means of so great and 
invaluable an acquisition to our country, on terms so favorable, 
was of itself enough to immortalize the name of any individ¬ 
ual. Whilst we yield to Mr. Jefferson the chief agency in 
this purchase, we cannot, in justice, withhold due credit to 
the instruments through which it was obtained. 

It is needless to dwell on the importance of this measure to 
a western audience. So long as the great Mississippi and its 
tributary streams shall bear upon their bosoms the surplus 


produce of an exhaustless country, will the incalculable bene* 
fits of this territory be felt and acknowledged. 

From Paris, Mr. Monroe was appointed Minister to Eng¬ 
land. Shortly after he reached London, he was charged 
with a special mission to Spain. In conjunction with our 
Minister resident at that court, he negotiated a treaty. He 
then returned to London, where, jointly with Mr. Pinkney, he 
discussed, with great ability, the various pretensions of Great 
Britain, assumed by her orders in council, under the pretext of 
counteracting the decrees of the French Emperor. 1 have 
heard the distinguished colleague of Mr. Monroe, do justice to 
the talents he displayed in this important controversy. 

A treaty was signed by Mr. Monroe and colleague, which, 
not being strictly within the letter of their instructions, in the 
opinion of the President, was returned to them, without having 
been submitted to the Senate. This circumstance was un¬ 
pleasant to Mr. Monroe, and he requested leave to return to 
this country. Until the answer of the President was received, 
and so long as there was the least prospect of effecting any 
good by negociation, he remained at his post. On his return 
he published an account of his mission; in which, he treated 
the question of difference between the President and himself, 
with delicacy, but with ability. This appeal presented him 
in a favorable light before the American people. 

The close of the second term of Mr. Jefferson’s presidency 
being near, Mr. Monroe was spoken of as his successor. The 
name of Mr. Madison was also before the country for the 
same office. Between these two gentlemen, Mr. Jefferson 
acted with a refined delicacy, which it would be well for every 
incumbent of that eminent charge to imitate. 

The current of public sentiment seemed to run in favor of 
Mr. Madison, from the circumstance of his having been more 
in the public view by his services in the Department of State; 


21 


and the name of Mr. Monroe was not brought forward by in., 
friends. 

Mr. Monroe was again elected Governor of Virginia; in 
which office he continued to serve, until he was called by 
President Madison to fill the Department of State. He dis¬ 
charged the important duties of this responsible office with 
high reputation to himself and his country. 

Having seen much of the principal Governments of 
Europe, and being personally acquainted with almost all 
their public functionaries, he was enabled to judge, with the 
greater accuracy, as to their course of policy in regard to this 
country. Every one who was familiar with the acts of the 
administration, at this time, could not but see, that Mr. Mon¬ 
roe possessed the entire confidence of the President; and that 
<©f all the Ministers he was the most efficient. 

Seeing the repeated injuries that had been inflicted on his 
country, and knowing that redress by negociation was hope¬ 
less, he was a decided advocate for tire war. It was declared; 
and the reverses to our arms, which rapidly followed, had 
well nigh prostrated the administration. Perhaps it was 
more indebted for success, to the injudicious movements made 
against it by its opponents, than to any system of measures 
adopted during the first year of the contest. 

The disasters which occurred, and which were deeply felt 
by the whole country, afforded an occasion for an act of the 
most lofty patriotism by Mr. Monroe. 

One army had been disgracefully surrendered at Detroit, 
and with it a part of our territory. The attempts made on 
Canada had failed. Our ranks could not be filled; and our 
armies had become somewhat dispirited. Our treasury was 
exhausted, and public credit completely prostrated. The 
Capitol had been burnt,—the Secretary of War removed. 

The immense armies which England had employed on the 
Continent, being released from that theatre, were about to be 


precipitated on our almost defenceless country. At this fear¬ 
ful crisis, Mr. Monroe assumed the duties of the War Depart¬ 
ment. A mind of common vigor would have shrunk from so 
mighty a responsibility. 

In the Department of State he was measurably safe. At 
least his popularity could not be essentially impaired, so long 
as the administration was sustained. Not so in the Depart¬ 
ment of War. One individual of splendid endowments, aud 
much military experience, had fallen from that perilous station. 
Yet Monroe assumed it and all its perils, willingly and fear¬ 
lessly. His friends trembled for his fate, and many gave him 
up as lost. But he never faltered. With an assiduity 
which has never been exceeded by any officer, he applied 
himself to the performance of his new duties. He found much 
to do; even more than he expected. In a great degree 
through his efforts, our armies were invigorated, and public 
credit was somewhat revived. 

It is a duty I owe to his memory, and most willingly do I 
discharge it, to state, of my own knowledge, that about this 
time, payments to a large amount were made to public credi¬ 
tors, on the personal responsibility of Mr. Monroe. The 
Banks refused to advance money on the credit of the Govern¬ 
ment, either in exchange for Treasury notes or other assurances, 
and he obtained it on his private endorsement. 

But it remained for this distinguished man to afford, if pos¬ 
sible, a still more signal evidence of devoted patriotism. 

It was an object of the greatest importance, to unite the 
energies of the whole country in the prosecution of the war. 
This was deemed essential to biing it to a speedy and suc¬ 
cessful conclusion; if not to maintain the integrity of the 
country. But this could only be hoped for by removing, as 
far as possible, the grounds of opposition. Mr. Monroe’s 
name was already before the country, as the successor of Mr. 
Madison; and as a strong opposition had been shown, from 


a certain quarter, against the success of what was called the 
Virginia dynasty, he came to the determination of withdraw¬ 
ing his name from the contest. With this view he sent for 
two of his distinguished friends in Congress, from Pennsyl¬ 
vania, and informed them of the determination he had come 
to, and the reasons which had led to it. To change this de¬ 
termination, required all the firmness and perseverance of the 
gentlemen referred to, and other friends of Mr. Monroe; and 
at last he was only deterred from his purpose, by being con¬ 
vinced, that the act would have less effect, in favor of an en¬ 
ergetic prosecution of the war, than he had supposed. 

Eulogy is lost on so noble an act of disinterested patriotism. 
It would have given immortality in the best days of Rome. 
We cannot wish that occasions may often occur, which would 
call for such a sacrifice; but the lofty spirit which was ready 
to make it, cannot be too much admired. How refreshing it 
is, to turn from the miserable intrigues of other times to an act 
like this. 

The immense labors of the War Department, at this time, 
and the other cares which devolved on Mr. Monroe, were too 
great for his physical powers. His system gave way, and he 
was prostrated. Still his duties were prosecuted, lying on 
his couch, too feeble to raise his head from the pillow! In 
this situation, he dictated his despatches, and gave the orders 
that were indispensable. 

The war being ended, successfully and gloriously, Mr. 
Monroe resumed his duties in the Department of State, and 
continued to discharge them until he was elected President. 

In the organization of his Cabinet, he gave the same high 
evidence of his regard to the public interest that had been seen 
through his whole life. He surrounded himself by men of the 
most distinguished qualifications for the stations they were ap¬ 
pointed to fill, and who brought with them a large share of 
the public confidence. This important step being well taken,. 


24 


no apprehensions were entertained, for the success of his ad¬ 
ministration. It was indeed most successful. The great in¬ 
terests of the country, agricultural, manufacturing, and com¬ 
mercial, were steadily advanced; and all parties loved their 
Government more, on account of the exact justice it dispensed, 
and the tranquillity to the country which it restored. 

Almost all the leading interests of the nation w ere reviewed 
and acted on, by this administration; if not with the entire 
approbation of all parts of the Union, at least with the acqui¬ 
escence of every part. 

Mr. Monroe laid before the country, a long and lucid Ex¬ 
pose of his views, respecting the powers of the General Gov¬ 
ernment to make internal improvements. He sustained, with 
great ability, the power to appropriate money to these ob¬ 
jects ; and in this construction, there seemed to be a general 
acquiescence, except in Virginia. His administration, in its 
great outlines, was similar to that of Madison and Jefferson. 
It is not perceived, that in principle, there was any difference* 
Even on the controverted power of the General Government, 
to make internal improvements, within a State, it did not 
carry the principle farther than had been sanctioned, under 
both the preceding administrations. The appropriations for 
the construction of the Cumberland Road, sanctioned by Mr. 
Jefferson, recognised the power in its widest latitude. There 
was no compact, respecting this Road, which placed it upon a 
different footing, from any other national work. Indeed it is 
absurd to suppose, that any one or two of the States could 
enter into any agreement, with the Union, which should en¬ 
large the Constitutional powers of Congress. 

It is worthy of remark, that Mr. Jefferson’s administration, 
which is very justly referred to, in many respects, as a stan¬ 
dard, and especially, as to tiie exercise of Constitutional 
powers, should have first asserted the power to make improve¬ 
ments within a sovereign State; and that in the purchase of 


25 


Louisiana, a still more doubtful power was exercised. And 
this latter act, it is believed, was universally popular in that 
part of the Union, which has been most jealous of Federal 
powers. These facts show, that Constitutional points, though 
often raised, are frequently influenced by questions of policy; 
and that popular decisions thereon are often made with refer¬ 
ence to particular interests. The powers delegated to the Gen¬ 
eral Government, should be strictly construed; but not so 
construed, by a species of metaphysical refinement, as to de¬ 
stroy the practical objects of the Constitution. 

In the use of patronage, that most delicate and important 
branch of executive power, Mr. Monroe was governed by 
those enlarged and elevated views, required by the interests 
of his country. The utmost deference, in making appoint¬ 
ments, was paid to public sentiment; whilst at the same time, 
irreproachable character and high qualification were indis¬ 
pensable requisites. Personal motives, either as they regard¬ 
ed the President himself, or the person appointed, were lost 
in higher considerations of public duty. 

From the official relation which I bore to the President, 
towards the close of his administration, it became my duty to 
consult him in making, certain appointments. But in no in¬ 
stance did he intimate a preference for any one of the candi¬ 
dates whose names I laid before him. His answer was, 
uniformly, “Thelaw has given to you the right to make the ap¬ 
pointment; I shall be satisfied with your decision; do what 
the public interest requires.” 

In one case, I had every reason to believe, if personal con¬ 
sideration had been permitted to influence him, there were 
strong grounds for its exercise. One of the applicants was 
a particular friend, with whom, in early life, he had been 
long associated in the public service; and for whom he enter¬ 
tained a strong personal regard. A direct appeal to personal 
friendship was made, and this was enforced, by the necessi- 

r> 


2S 


ties of the applicant. But, even in this case, this more than 
Roman patriot gave not the slightest intimation of a preference; 
and another individual was appointed, because I believed 
him to be better qualified to discharge the duties of the office. 

The relation of this incident will be pardoned, on 1 the 
ground that such cases often tend more to elucidate character 
than more important transactions. When those selfish feel¬ 
ings, to which we are all more or less liable, come directly in 
contact with public duty, and they are disregarded, no higher 
evidence can be given of elevated and patriotic principles* 
I deem it of some importance to record such instances, as 
they may not be without their use, in other days of the 
Republic. 

In all time to come, the period of this Administration will 
be referred to, as the most peaceful and prosperous for the 
country, that can be found in our annals. It raised to the 
highest rank, the reputation of our country abroad; and by 
its action at home, elevated the moral feeling of the people. 

His administration being closed, Mr. Monroe retired to his 
seat in Virginia, with the blessings of the nation resting on 
his head. He was made a Justice of the Peace, in the county 
where he resided, and exercised his good offices in promoting 
the peace and prosperity of his neighbors. 

What a spectacle is here witnessed. A man, on whom a 
short time before rested more than imperial honors, is now 
seen in the exercise of those humble duties, which belong to 
the lowest judicial office. This was the only office he would 
accept; and in its acceptance, he was no doubt influenced by 
the example of the Father of his Country. 

With Jefferson and Madison, he served as Visiter of the 
Virginia University; and with the latter, he was associated 
in the late Convention of Virginia. By the unanimous voice 
of that body, he was called to preside over its deliberations; 
but his physical powers were too feeble to enable him to con- 


long in the discharge of tins arduous duty. He re¬ 
signed before the close of the session, being unable to attend 
*he sittings of the Convention. This* and the resignation of 
his place as Trustee of the University, were the last public 
acts of this distinguished man. 

After the death of Mrs. Monroe, which occurred some twelve 
or fifteen months ago, he was induced to visit his son-in-law 
in the city of New-York, with a view of recruiting his health. 
At this great Emporium of our country, he received every 
possible demonstration of respect. But, his health continued 
to decline, until the close of his eventful life, on the Fourth 
day of July last. To an old and intimate friend, he observed, 
some days before his decease, that he was not alarmed at the 
approach of death. That he viewed the crisis as near at hand, 
and he was prepared to meet it. That he desired to depart 
on that day, is extremely probable; though I am not advised 
of any expressed wish on the subject, as was tlie case with 
Mr. Jefferson. When the guns and martial music roused 
him from his lethargy, on the morning of the fourth, and being 
informed of the occasion, his countenance brightened at the 
recollection of that glorious event. He seemed, even in death, 
to participate in the joys of the day: “ It is well , it is well!” 
were his last words. 

The cold and cheerless grave, now contains the remains of 
this venerable patriot. But, how few are its trophies! His 
deathless spirit is not there—nor the record of his deeds. H is 
spirit, we trust, lias ascended to his God—his acts belong to 
his country, and form a part of its history. 

Such were the life, and character, and death, of James 
Monroe, How much do we see in them to excite our admiration; 
and how little that would justify our censure. He was an 
imperfect being, and consequently he w as liable to err. But 
his errors were never of the heart. His soul was imbued with 
those noble principles, which give dignity to human nature. 


28 


and shed a charm over all the walks of life. He hole his 
honors meekly. No proud or ostentatious display of power 
or rank did he ever indulge. His nature was averse to such 
an exhibition. The unholy spirit of revenge, lie never suffered 
to pollute the sanctuary of his power. In the discharge of 
his great duties, he considered himself as the Father of the 
People, and his parental care was extended over them. He 
rejoiced in being made the instrument of their prosperity, and 
was only unhappy, when he was unable to alleviate thek 
wants. 

What moral force and beauty are given to our institutions-, 
by the civic virtues and high qualities of such a chief magis¬ 
trate. The streams which have their source in him, partake of 
the purity of the fountain. They contain no stagnant nor pois¬ 
onous waters, but flow with a pure and gentle current, to the 
extremities of the Union, and refresh and invigorate the land. 

By the use of such means, our institutions may not be made 
the glory of America only, but of the whole earth. In no 
other way can they be maintained in their purity, and perpe¬ 
tuated. Confidence must be felt in our public functionaries^ 
or the public mind will not be at ease. It is true, the throes 
of ambition may occasionally produce agitation; but this will 
be temporary, if the great concerns of the Government are man¬ 
aged with ability and purity, and with an enlightened refer¬ 
ence to the interests of the whole country. But, a different 
course will lead to sectional jealousies, and great bitterness of 
feeling. These will rankle in the heart, and show themselves 
by out-pourings of wrath, and eventually, in the most deter¬ 
mined hostility. Actions will follow words. The first blow 
maybe the knell of departing liberty. ® 

Are there no portentous signs in the political horizon? I 
have tried to turn away from these dark spots, which with a 
baleful aspect seem to enlarge, and threaten to cover the whole 
scene with thick darkness. But all my efforts are fruitless. 


I might as well try, at noon-day, to shut out the light of the sun. 
I cannot turn my eyes away. The view haunts the imagina¬ 
tion, and is indeed appalling. Like tlie shades of death, it 
approaches, in defiance of effort. It gives a shivering cold¬ 
ness to the blood, and almost freezes up its avenues! A h 
God! are all the works of man imperfect? Are they indeed, 
of limited duration, and do they contain, within themselves, 
the seeds of destruction? Is this system of Republican Gov¬ 
ernment, the most splendid effort of patriotic minds, and which 
has been consecrated by the blood of the Revolution, by the 
labors, the tears and prayers, of our fathers and mothers; is 
this system, destined to ruin? Shall the day come, whdta the 
charter of our liberties shall be torn in pieces, and scattered 
to the winds of heaven? Shall the order and beauty, now 
so conspicuous, be marred? Shall the monuments of our Re¬ 
publican simplicity and glory, be thrown down? Shall the 
proud columns of our Capitol, like those of other lands, point 
to departed liberty? Shall this great and happy people en¬ 
gage each other in deadly conflict, and cover with blood the 
fairest inheritance of man? Shall utter desolation overwhelm 
this terrestrial paradise? May Heaven avert so stupendous 
a calamity! 




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APPENDIX, 


Proceedings of the City Council , and of the Citizens of Cincinnati , in 

relation to the Funeral Solemnities exhibited in honor of the memory 

of Ex-President Monroe . 

TRIBUTE OF RESPECT. 

Council Chamber, Cincinnati,) 
July 15th, 1831. \ 

At a meetingofthe City Council, held at their Chamber on Fourth 
street, the following Resolution was unanimously adopted, viz: 

Resolved, That in common with our fellow-citizens, we deeply 
lament the decease of the venerable patriot JAMES MONROE, 
late President of the United States; and that, as a tribute of re¬ 
spect to his memory, we recommend that a meeting of the citizens 
be held at the Council Chamber, on Monday Evening, the 18th 
instant, at 8 o’clock, for the purpose of making such arrangements 
as may be deemed suitable for the occasion. 

By order of the City Council, 

JOHN T. JONES, City Clerk. 

A resolution of the City Council of the city of Cincinnati 
was passed on the 15th inst. recommending to the citizens to hold 
a public meeting, for the purpose of making suitable arrangements 
to express their feelings at the decease of that venerable patriot 
JAMES MONROE, late President of the United States. In 
accordance therewith,the citieem convenedatthe Council Chamber- 
on the evening of Monday 18th July, 1831, when Eli Dorsey wat 
appointed Chairman, and Samuel H. Goodin, Secretary. 

On motion, a Committee of seven gentlemen, consisting of D. K. 
Este, Esq. Gen. Samuel Borden, D. J. Caswell, Esq. Judge Thom¬ 
as Henderson, P. S. Symmes, Esq. E. S. Haines, Esq. and Morgan 
Neville, Esq., was appointed, for the purpose of deliberating on the 
subject, and suggesting such arrangements as they may deem pro¬ 
per at a subsequent meeting. 

On motion, the meeting adjourned until Wednesday Evening, 
the 20th inst. at eight o’clock, at which time the said Committee 
will report. 

ELI DORSEY, Chairman. 

Samuel H. Goodin, Secretary. 

The citizens of Cincinnati convened pursuant to adjournment, 
on Wednesday evening, 20th July, 1831,—T. Henderson, Esq. 
in the Chair, and S. H. Goodin, Secretary,—when the Committee 



appointed at the previous meeting reported the following preamble 
and resolutions, which were unanimously adopted: 

Whereas the death of the 1 late venerable patriot and Ex-Presi¬ 
dent MONROE,—although occurring at an age beyond the usual 
limit allowed to man, and on a day on which a patriot full of hon¬ 
ors and full of years would wish to die,—has shed a gloom over a 
whole nation:—and Whereas the citizens of the United States are 
impelled by the feelings of gratitude, and the example of all Repub-, 
lican governments, to pay some extraordinary tribute of respect 
to the Memory of those who have performed distinguished services 
to their country, and who have left the example of great virtue as 
a legacy to their countrymen; therefore 

Resolved, That the citizens of Cincinnati and its vicinity, deeply 
impressed with the great and long services of the late venerable 
James Monroe, both as a Soldier and a Statesman; and fully 
sensible of the value of the excellent example presented in his use-- 
ful life, will unite in paying a tribute of respect to his memory, by 
wearing crape on the left arm for thirty days. 

Resolved, As a further token of respect, that the Hon. John 
McLean be requested to deliver in Cincinnati, at such early period 
as maj be convenient, a public Eulocium on the character and 
services of the deceased; and that the Committee appointed at the 
previous meeting have authority, in the event of the continued ab¬ 
sence of Judge McLean, to appoint some other Orator for the occa¬ 
sion, and to'make such additional arrangements as they may deerri 
proper for carrying the objects of this meeting into effect. 

; Resolved, That the foregoing prqceedings be published in the 
Several pa'pers of this city; and that a* copy thereof be presented to 
the City Council, with a request that they may be recorded at large 
upon the journal of that body. 

THOS. HENDERSON, Chairman. 
Samuel H. Goodin, Secretary. 

EXTRACT 

From the Minutes of the City Council , September 28, 1831. 

A copy of Judge McLean’s Eulogy on Mr. Monroe [delivered on the 27th ult.] 
was submitted, to. the Board by Mr. Symmes, from the Committe of Arrange¬ 
ments ; whereupon the following order was adopted :— 

“Ordered, That five hundred copies of the Eulogy recently pronounced, on 
the character and services of the. late Ex-President, JAMES MONROE, by the 
Hon. John McLean, at the request "of a public meeting of the citizens of Cin 
cinnati, held pursuant to an invitation from the City Council,—bo printed, in 
pamphlet form, at the expen^o of the City." 

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